Monday, June 14, 2010
How Things Happen
February 18, 2000
In his book, THE FUTURE OF HISTORY, the author [and] historian Howard Zinn is being interviewed by David Barsamian, who comments, (p. 154): “You conclude A PEOPLE’S HISTORY with this particular incident in 1992: ‘The Republican Party held a dinner to raise funds at which individuals and corporations paid up to $400,000 to attend. Fitzwater told reporters, “It’s buying access to the system, yes.” When asked about people who didn’t have so much money, he replied, “They have to demand access in other ways.”’
Zinn responded.... “He’s giving us good advice, telling us that if we are going to change the system, we are going to have to organize, we’re going to have to create power, we’re going to have to do it without that wealth and without the military force that the government has at its command. ...I wanted to end the book with that kind of warning and lesson given by somebody in the Establishment who knows how things happen.”
I was reminded of these observations when protests in Seattle at the meeting of the WTO (World Trade Organization) resulted in much media emphasis on the 500 or so people who were arrested. What, seemingly, was not news was that all but 51 of these cases were thrown out of court: sloppy police work, flimsy evidence, etc. In his newsletter, Jim Hightower wrote that the remaining cases represent misdemeanors, not crimes – “pedestrian interference,” or “failure to disperse.”
In addition, as I recollect it, there was very little standard media news informing the rest of the country and the world that there were 50,000 protesters, almost all of them non-violent, who took to the Seattle streets, including 30,000 trade unionists who marched peacefully to emphasize their views. They were protesting the possible exportation of millions of American jobs to third world countries where lowest wages and unregulated working conditions would prevail. Furthermore that unchecked pollution would add much to the sum of human misery. (I am not arguing at this point for the economics or environmental claims of the protesters. The subject is too difficult for my present limited knowledge. I hope to remedy that. But I can envision the dire possibility that world government might arrive as world government ruled by a few mammoth international corporations with United States military might as its police arm and enforcer.)
But the Seattle turmoil did illustrate the point that George Bush’s secretary, Marlin Fitzwater, made that when people didn’t have money, “they have to demand access in other ways.”
In TROILUS AND CRESSIDA (Act III Sc. 2), Ulysses says,
“Things in motion catch the eye
Than what stirs not.”
In this Black History month I read that historian David Kennedy related a startling reminder how, until the middle of the 20th century, there was prejudice so wide and so deep as to be almost unbelievable and unspeakable today (FREEDOM FROM FEAR, The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945).
Prejudice was rampant... “We will not employ Negroes,” the president of North American Aviation flatly declared. “It is against company policy.” Kansas City’s Standard Steel Corporation announced, “We have not had a Negro worker in twenty-five years, and do not plan to start now.” In Seattle, the district organizer of the International Association of Machinists put the Boeing Aircraft Company on notice, “labor has been asked to make many sacrifices in this war,” but the “sacrifice” of allowing blacks into union membership is “too great.” (Kennedy, p. 765)
President Franklin Roosevelt remained aloof from this obvious country-wide prejudice and discrimination. His concerns were lifting the depression and winning the war. Into this historical scene came A. Philip Randolph, head of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, an all-black union. Randolph sensed “how things happen” when there is no money.
In 1940, at its annual convention, the Brotherhood, with Randolph’s determined leadership, passed a resolution urging the government to avoid discrimination against blacks in the armed forces. With the help of Eleanor Roosevelt it was arranged to present that resolution to the President in person.
The meeting with FDR included not only Randolph but also Walter White, executive secretary of the NAACP and other black leaders.
Two weeks later, however, a Roosevelt aide announced that “the policy of the War Department is not to intermingle colored and white enlisted personnel in the same regimental units.” (Kennedy p. 766)
Randolph was shocked and angered because he thought FDR had given him a sympathetic hearing in the plea to desegregate the armed forces. Disillusioned, he called for Negroes to take to the streets. While some black leaders were reluctant, the idea caught on. But the possibility of 100,000 Negroes marching in Washington shook up President Roosevelt. Efforts to halt the idea failed and another White House meeting ensued.
Roosevelt failed to persuade Randolph to call off the planned march. FDR was equally adamant that the march must not occur.
Finally, Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia of New York City, who was present at FDR’s request, said, “Gentlemen, it is clear that Mr. Randolph is not going to call off the march, and I suggest we all begin to seek a formula.” (Kennedy p. 767)
The formula agreed to was Executive Order 8802, which stated that “There shall be no discrimination in the employment of workers in defense industries or government because of race, color, creed or national origin.” The FEPC (Fair Employment Practices Committee) was established to investigate complaints and to act. There was no mention of desegregating the armed forces. That would not happen until President Truman ordered it in 1948.
However, one Negro newspaper noted, “ it demonstrated to the Doubting Thomases among us that only mass action can pry open the doors that have been erected against America’s black minority.” (Kennedy)
The FEPC was a forerunner of the civil rights struggles and marches of the 1960s, when so much enabling Federal legislation was passed. At the 1963 March on Washington, 250,000 people gathered (I was among them) and heard the cause of civil rights held high, particularly the famous I HAVE A DREAM oration by Martin Luther King, Jr.
A. Philip Randolph was a key figure in the March on Washington. From his staff he loaned Bayard Rustin to plan and organize many of the details of that spectacular protest. Bayard Rustin did a first-class excellent job in that huge, momentous task.
How Things Happen? Shakespeare provides advice. In Henry VIII (Act III, Sc. 1), Queen Katherine says to Wolsey and Campeius,
“Out with it boldly:
Truth loves open dealing.”
P.S. I have not [changed] “Negroes” because at the time of the events described, this was the common parlance. I am aware that today’s accepted term is “Afro American.”
In his book, THE FUTURE OF HISTORY, the author [and] historian Howard Zinn is being interviewed by David Barsamian, who comments, (p. 154): “You conclude A PEOPLE’S HISTORY with this particular incident in 1992: ‘The Republican Party held a dinner to raise funds at which individuals and corporations paid up to $400,000 to attend. Fitzwater told reporters, “It’s buying access to the system, yes.” When asked about people who didn’t have so much money, he replied, “They have to demand access in other ways.”’
Zinn responded.... “He’s giving us good advice, telling us that if we are going to change the system, we are going to have to organize, we’re going to have to create power, we’re going to have to do it without that wealth and without the military force that the government has at its command. ...I wanted to end the book with that kind of warning and lesson given by somebody in the Establishment who knows how things happen.”
I was reminded of these observations when protests in Seattle at the meeting of the WTO (World Trade Organization) resulted in much media emphasis on the 500 or so people who were arrested. What, seemingly, was not news was that all but 51 of these cases were thrown out of court: sloppy police work, flimsy evidence, etc. In his newsletter, Jim Hightower wrote that the remaining cases represent misdemeanors, not crimes – “pedestrian interference,” or “failure to disperse.”
In addition, as I recollect it, there was very little standard media news informing the rest of the country and the world that there were 50,000 protesters, almost all of them non-violent, who took to the Seattle streets, including 30,000 trade unionists who marched peacefully to emphasize their views. They were protesting the possible exportation of millions of American jobs to third world countries where lowest wages and unregulated working conditions would prevail. Furthermore that unchecked pollution would add much to the sum of human misery. (I am not arguing at this point for the economics or environmental claims of the protesters. The subject is too difficult for my present limited knowledge. I hope to remedy that. But I can envision the dire possibility that world government might arrive as world government ruled by a few mammoth international corporations with United States military might as its police arm and enforcer.)
But the Seattle turmoil did illustrate the point that George Bush’s secretary, Marlin Fitzwater, made that when people didn’t have money, “they have to demand access in other ways.”
In TROILUS AND CRESSIDA (Act III Sc. 2), Ulysses says,
“Things in motion catch the eye
Than what stirs not.”
In this Black History month I read that historian David Kennedy related a startling reminder how, until the middle of the 20th century, there was prejudice so wide and so deep as to be almost unbelievable and unspeakable today (FREEDOM FROM FEAR, The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945).
Prejudice was rampant... “We will not employ Negroes,” the president of North American Aviation flatly declared. “It is against company policy.” Kansas City’s Standard Steel Corporation announced, “We have not had a Negro worker in twenty-five years, and do not plan to start now.” In Seattle, the district organizer of the International Association of Machinists put the Boeing Aircraft Company on notice, “labor has been asked to make many sacrifices in this war,” but the “sacrifice” of allowing blacks into union membership is “too great.” (Kennedy, p. 765)
President Franklin Roosevelt remained aloof from this obvious country-wide prejudice and discrimination. His concerns were lifting the depression and winning the war. Into this historical scene came A. Philip Randolph, head of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, an all-black union. Randolph sensed “how things happen” when there is no money.
In 1940, at its annual convention, the Brotherhood, with Randolph’s determined leadership, passed a resolution urging the government to avoid discrimination against blacks in the armed forces. With the help of Eleanor Roosevelt it was arranged to present that resolution to the President in person.
The meeting with FDR included not only Randolph but also Walter White, executive secretary of the NAACP and other black leaders.
Two weeks later, however, a Roosevelt aide announced that “the policy of the War Department is not to intermingle colored and white enlisted personnel in the same regimental units.” (Kennedy p. 766)
Randolph was shocked and angered because he thought FDR had given him a sympathetic hearing in the plea to desegregate the armed forces. Disillusioned, he called for Negroes to take to the streets. While some black leaders were reluctant, the idea caught on. But the possibility of 100,000 Negroes marching in Washington shook up President Roosevelt. Efforts to halt the idea failed and another White House meeting ensued.
Roosevelt failed to persuade Randolph to call off the planned march. FDR was equally adamant that the march must not occur.
Finally, Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia of New York City, who was present at FDR’s request, said, “Gentlemen, it is clear that Mr. Randolph is not going to call off the march, and I suggest we all begin to seek a formula.” (Kennedy p. 767)
The formula agreed to was Executive Order 8802, which stated that “There shall be no discrimination in the employment of workers in defense industries or government because of race, color, creed or national origin.” The FEPC (Fair Employment Practices Committee) was established to investigate complaints and to act. There was no mention of desegregating the armed forces. That would not happen until President Truman ordered it in 1948.
However, one Negro newspaper noted, “ it demonstrated to the Doubting Thomases among us that only mass action can pry open the doors that have been erected against America’s black minority.” (Kennedy)
The FEPC was a forerunner of the civil rights struggles and marches of the 1960s, when so much enabling Federal legislation was passed. At the 1963 March on Washington, 250,000 people gathered (I was among them) and heard the cause of civil rights held high, particularly the famous I HAVE A DREAM oration by Martin Luther King, Jr.
A. Philip Randolph was a key figure in the March on Washington. From his staff he loaned Bayard Rustin to plan and organize many of the details of that spectacular protest. Bayard Rustin did a first-class excellent job in that huge, momentous task.
How Things Happen? Shakespeare provides advice. In Henry VIII (Act III, Sc. 1), Queen Katherine says to Wolsey and Campeius,
“Out with it boldly:
Truth loves open dealing.”
P.S. I have not [changed] “Negroes” because at the time of the events described, this was the common parlance. I am aware that today’s accepted term is “Afro American.”
Subscribe to:
Post Comments (Atom)
No comments:
Post a Comment